Hungary's revolution celebrations - protesters spoil the party in Budapest
27.10.2006 - Sándor Laczkó

On Monday October 23rd, Hungary launched a series of events marking the 50th anniversary of its 1956 uprising and revolution. Scores of foreign leaders and envoys flocked to Budapest for the commemoration and memorial events. But those events were at times almost overshadowed by anti government protests.

Emese Danks is a spokeswoman for the Hungarian government:

"We put together a very nice and touching programme because we believe that this [the 1956 revolution] is one of the highlights of the 21st century. Historically, the revolution in 1956 is a very important part of Hungarian history. It showed the world how the Hungarians felt and gave it a lot after the revolution. Therefore it was important for the government to have a very well prepared celebration."

The series of events included a 1956 tram that travelled around the city, decorated with billboards about the events that took place fifty years ago. There were also open-air museums in three historical parts of the city with contemporary art on display. Commemorations were held at the tomb of Imre Nagy, the martyr prime minister of '56, and two monuments were also inaugurated in Budapest (and many more in other towns and cities). A memorial concert was held in the State Opera House, attended by representatives of all major political parties. But that was the only event of that sort as the parliamentary opposition refused to participate in the state celebrations organised by the government.

The main opposition party, Fidesz, held a street rally at one of the busiest intersections in Budapest where many of its supporters mingled with illegal demonstrators who where dispersed by the police. The illegal demonstrators vandalised streets, buildings, and even stole a contemporary T-34 tank placed at one of the open-air museums. They also booed and whistled during the minute of silence commemorating the heroes and victims of the revolution fifty years ago. Over one hundred people were injured in the late-night clashes with the police. Government spokeswoman Emese Danks commented on this dark side of the celebrations:

"Well, I can only repeat what the prime minister said in his interviews last night. It is extremely sad that a minority stole the real celebration opportunity from the nation. They used the 1956 commemorations to destroy the city, be vulgar, and go through the town to frighten everybody away from the streets and from peaceful, quiet, and dignified celebrations."

What was the international reaction?

"All the guests who were here were absolutely delighted to be able to attend this event. The revolution really put Hungary into the limelight of the international media 50 years ago. They [the guests] were very touched by the programme, the opera, and the kind of freedom declaration that was signed by all delegations in parliament. It was a deja vu of the 1956 revolution because there was also a freedom declaration and all the represented guests signed this declaration."

Revitalising Slovakia's arms trade
27.10.2006 - Anca Dragu

Slovakia is to withdraw its soldiers from Iraq - the 99 troops will come home in February next year. But Bratislava says it wants to keep good contacts with Baghdad and one reason is that it sells significant quantities of arms and ammunition to Iraq. As Anca Dragu reports from Bratislava, Slovakia's new government has big plans to revitalise its arms industry:

Prime Minister Robert Fico sees no reason why Slovakia should not return to the international arms trade:

"The whole world is involved in the arms trade. I don't see why Slovakia shouldn't be involved in it too. We are prepared to give Afghanistan arms and ammunition from the army's redundant supplies. However, there are also arms that Slovakia wants to sell in Afghanistan."

Under the communist regime, Czechoslovakia used to be an important exporter of weapons, mainly to the Middle East and Africa. A large chunk of the military industrial complex was located in today's Slovakia. After the fall of the Iron Curtain these factories lost their markets and Slovaks tried desperately to re-convert them to civil use. I talked to Roy Isbister an international expert in arms transfer about Slovakia's intention to reactivate its role in the international arms trade:

"I think it's certainly possible that they regain the market, even gain new markets. As the expertise disappears and the actual manufacturing capacity disappears, it's a lot harder to regain market share than it is to retain it. Certainly, Slovakia's arms export capacity was quite large a few years back, inherited from communism times, and it was a lot larger than it is now. It needs to rebuild that expertise and those contacts that it used to have."

On what kinds of markets could Slovakia be active right now?

"That's a complicated one because a lot of the markets, the traditional markets that Slovakia enjoyed, would effectively be closed to Slovakia now that it is a member of the EU and has to comply to the European Union's code. The EU code has rules saying that it shouldn't export arms where they will be used for human rights abuses or to undermine stability."

A few years ago there were some allegations that dodgy deals were done at that time and some weapons from Slovakia ended up somewhere in Africa, violating an embargo. Do you think there is a danger right now that similar things might happen?

"I would hope not. I think that Slovakia has improved its practice in recent years significantly. A lot of the institutional arrangements that existed have changed. There used to be quite a bit of conflict of interests between people who were on the boards of companies, or executives of companies exporting arms and the same people who were sitting in the licensing commission making decisions on whether an arms exports was appropriate or not. There were other rules on re-export that were problematic. It was very easy to bring in stuff from other countries and then send it on to third countries. There was very little control on that. The problem is that in some cases it is very easy to decided whether you should export or not but there are other cases, the marginal cases, countries where you would say that it could be a problem.

"It depends on what you are exporting. In the last few years there have been exports of rockets and combat aircraft to Armenia and the export of main battle tanks to Azerbaijan. Now, at first glance, I have serious doubts about those exports. A lot of rockets were exported to Egypt and to Uganda, both in 2004, artillery systems to Uganda in 2002, jet trainer aircraft to Angola in 2002. Now all of these exports could give cause for concern. Unfortunately, there is very little information - simply that Slovakia authorised the export of some equipment. So, one thing that Slovakia could certainly do is to become more transparent."

Polish criminal investigators eagerly awaiting Chicago court ruling
27.10.2006 - Slawek Szefs

The assassination eight years ago of Poland's National Police Chief Marek Papala shocked the country. Papala was shot in the head and killed as he was getting out of a car in front of his home in Warsaw in June 1998. No one has yet faced justice. Polish authorities are trying to extradite their main suspect from the United States. But a Federal Court Judge in Chicago this week took no decision on extraditing Edward Mazur, who is accused by Polish authorities of instigating the assassination of the police chief. Slawek Szefs has been following the trial:

Edward Mazur is an accomplished Polish-born American businessman holding dual citizenship. Being a frequent guest in his native country, he invested in several businesses and established personal contacts with numerous high ranking politicians and officials. According to gathered testimony Polish prosecutors have been suspecting him of involvement in the murder of police chief Marek Papala since 2000. Two years later, Mazur was arrested in Poland under charges of conspiracy but was released within hours. He left Poland not to return ever since. Despite pledges of successive Polish governments that the murder case of general Papala will be solved and its perpetrator (s) brought to justice, not much had been accomplished. It was claimed the investigation encountered many obstacles with rumours speaking of organized crime links to the highest political quarters and post-Communist secret services.

The present Polish Justice Minister took a more active interest in the investigation proceedings. After a trip to Washington and talks with the US Attorney General, Poland prepared an extradition request for Edward Mazur. He is accused of soliciting the murder of police chief Marek Papala by offering 40 thousand dollars in April 1998 to at least two professional killers. Mazur was arrested by the FBI on October 20th this year. His lawyers have been demanding Mazur's release on bail. On Wednesday, a Federal Court in Chicago decided on another hearing in the case, setting the date for November 15th. Just before the hearing, Micheal Stiegel representing the defence downplayed the importance of the Polish charges:

"I did read lots and lots of articles. The only information I ever saw in the Polish press was rumour, or statements made by convicted criminals. He denied categorically it was not true and he had never met these people. I believe him that he had no involvement. From my perspective, he was an articulate, refined businessman. If there was a dark side, it was not something I ever saw."

This line of thought has been followed by Christopher Gair of Jenner & Block, an A-listed US law firm, hired by Edward Mazur to seek release on bond and deny the extradition request. However, Magistrate Judge Arlander Keys said he saw no special circumstances and extradition was an almost automatic step in such a case. Poland's Justice Minister Zbigniew Ziobro was optimistic after the hearing:

"This court procedure could last umpteen months so we have to be patient. But what's important is that the case is on the agenda. And we are confident the evidence presented allows for an extradition decision to be made."

Bartosz Weglarczyk, long time US correspondent of Gazeta Wyborcza says, now that the request formalities have been cleared, the Polish side's chances for a favourable verdict have risen considerably:

"I would say there's about a fifty percent chance that the judge will order the extradition of Mr. Mazur. The line of defence was very weak. I think the judge already thinks Mr. Mazur should be extradited. So it will be a difficult fight, an uphill struggle for his lawyers. Secondly, if the judge rules in favour of the extradition, it will be difficult for the Department of Justice not to extradite Mr. Mazur to Poland."

A signalled line of defence may also be the claim that the extradition case of Edward Mazur is politically tinted and not of a strictly criminal character. Bartosz Weglarczyk considers evidence presented to the court as satisfying to prove the latter:

"They will say this is a political case by the right wing government in Poland against a businessman connected to a left wing party. The second line of defence is that the whole case is based only on testimonies of well known gangsters. And gangsters are obviously not very well reputed witnesses."

Polish prosecutors say they should have little difficulty in convincing Mazur to talk. He has just turned sixty and any extended imprisonment would be tantamount to a life sentence.

Slovenia's larger parties pass local election popularity test
27.10.2006 - Ksenija Samardzija-Matul

Slovenia held local elections last weekend with voters selecting mayors and municipal councillors across the country. The election was also seen as a litmus test for the two ruling parties two years after parliamentary elections. Ksenija Samardzija Matul has the story:

Slovenia's largest parties are content with the results of Sunday's local elections. Despite mixed results, they have found pluses either in their relative share of the overall vote or the number of mayors across the 210 municipalities. Slovenia's Prime Minister and leader of the Slovenia Democrats (SDS) Janez Jansa told the press a day after the election:

"It seems that the party is the only parliamentary party that has increased its relative share as well as the number of voters, who support it."

Janez Jansa says the SDS is the only party to have gained ground in absolute terms, while the ruling coalition parties strengthened their position overall. The party succeeded with 20 mayors, with an additional 15 entering office with its support. The SDS also has 38 candidates set to enter second-round run-offs due in November.

But Jansa's party is struggling to explain the landslide victory in Ljubljana of the independent candidate and former boss of retailer Mercator, Zoran Jankovic. His group, List of Zoran Jankovic, also took the majority in the local council. Jankovic secured just over 63% of the vote, while his party will control 23 out of 45 seats in the city council. After being elected mayor of the Slovene capital, and knowing that his party will also dominate the city council, Zoran Jankovic expects nothing less than loyalty from all city council members:

"Everyone, who is elected into the city council, regardless of his political party must accept the fact that Ljubljana has voted for my programme and this means a coalition with Ljubljana. Each member of the council will have to work in favour of this programme and Ljubljana. I am convinced that there will be some kind of coexistence among all members of the city council."

Zoran Jankovic also believes that harmony between the state and the capital city is of utmost importance for the future. He pointed out that Slovenia and Ljubljana as its capital need to portray a positive picture during Slovenia's stint as EU president in the first half of 2008. His message to all parties who he has accused of holding a smear campaign against him, especially the ruling Slovenian Democrats (SDS), is that they should leave past differences behind them and start working in the interest of the state and Ljubljana.

The opposition left-of-center Liberal Democracts (LDS) suffered heavy losses in the main cities of Ljubljana, Maribor and Koper, but nevertheless is the second-strongest party overall. The opposition Social Democrats are also pleased with their tally, although their candidates were voted out of office in the two biggest cities. In Maribor, Slovenia's second largest city, independent Gregor Pivec, who was endorsed by the ruling Slovenian Democrats - SDS, finished first in the first round of the election. He will be joined in the run-off by People's Party candidate Franc Kangler. The second round of mayoral election is scheduled for the 12th of November.

Mayor to decide whether to go with all-Civic Democrat municipal government
27.10.2006 - Jan Velinger

The right-of-centre Civic Democrats enjoyed wide success in municipal elections at the weekend, coming first in many of the country's major cities and towns. But, nowhere was their success more pronounced than in the Czech capital, where the party - led by Mayor Pavel Bem - clinched an unprecedented 54 percent of the vote. The result gave the Civic Democrats an outright majority, 42 of a possible 70 seats on the assembly that elects the mayor and city council. The result means that after an eight-year-long coalition with the leftist Social Democrats, the centre-right party is now likely to govern alone.

For the Mayor Pavel Bem last weekend was nothing if not a triumph, his party dominating in Prague municipal elections. But now, the more difficult work begins. As it stands, the Civic Democrats have to decide whether to govern alone - or to opt for some form of a coalition: one that would negotiate on everything from lowering crime to improving transit in the Czech capital. Mr Bem has already indicated he'll prefer an all-Civic Democrat municipal government which he suggested would be both "strong" as well as "transparent". But, that doesn't mean he's ruled other options out. On Monday he spoke to Czech Radio:

"I think it's important for us to meet with potential coalition partners and discuss issues and priorities - even, if in the end, we end up governing alone. It's important to find common ground on issues - given the fact that we will soon be faced with a number of unpopular decisions: for example, how to regulate the number of cars in the city centre, introducing tolls."

Potential partners on the city council could include the European Democrats - who until recently enjoyed strong representation at city hall but fared poorly in the weekend's elections, retaining just four of a previous fifteen seats. Traditionally, the European Democrats and Mr Bem's party have been close on issues including road policy and improvements to the city's police force. Other potential partners could be the Greens, though they have limited experience.

This much, at least, seems certain: it's the end of the fairly successful eight-year coalition with the Social Democrats, now slated to be in the opposition. Civic Democratic party head and acting Prime Minister Mirek Topolanek has recommended that wherever possible his party not form coalitions with the Social Democrats on local governments, the reason - apparently - that at the national level each party has been vying for even the slimmest advantage since parliamentary elections ended in stalemate in June. It seems a fair assessment that Mr Topolanek is now aiming not only to capitalise on the Social Democrats' weaker showing but also to undermine the position of its leader Jiri Paroubek. The two men, to put it mildly, do not exactly see eye to eye.

On the other hand, it's very likely that at least in some towns the Civic and Social Democrats will form coalitions, namely where it is advantageous for them to do so. The east Moravian city of Ostrava can serve as an example: there, the Civic Democrats have been recommended to reach agreement with the Social Democrats, rather than risk being sidestepped by the latter forming a coalition with the Communists.

Other coalition talks throughout the country involving the Christian Democrats, the Greens, and smaller local parties, have also already begun. Where they can, it seems that the Civic Democrats are opting to work with smaller centre-right parties rather than with the leftists - or even alone.

The Czech National Day: celebrating a state that no longer exists
27.10.2006 - David Vaughan

The 28th October is an unlikely date for Czechs to be celebrating their national holiday. After all, it commemorates the founding of a state that no longer exists. Czechoslovakia was established in 1918 with the collapse of the Habsburg monarchy at the end of World War I, and was relegated to the history books 74 years later, when Czechs and Slovaks - or rather their political leaders - decided to go their separate ways at the end of 1992. While Slovaks quickly forgot their old national day, Czechs went on as if nothing had happened. To this day wreathes are laid, the national anthem is played, and except when the holiday falls on a weekend everybody enjoys a day off work.

To talk about this paradox, I'm joined by the award-winning novelist and journalist, Martin Simecka. Until recently he was editor-in-chief of the Slovak daily SME, and he is now just taking over at the helm of the Czech political weekly Respekt. He is the son of Milan Simecka, one the most influential dissident philosophers of communist Czechoslovakia, and with an upbringing that spanned both parts of the former Czechoslovakia, Martin has very personal insights into the complexities of the Czech and Slovak national identities.

"My parents were Czechs but they moved to Bratislava - to Slovakia - in 1953 and I was born in 1957 in Bratislava. So I'm by birth Slovak, but I'm bilingual, we spoke at home Czech and Slovak, but I have lived all my life in Bratislava. But my whole family are in the Czech Republic. So from my education in my family I feel more like Czech, from Czech literature and so on, but my schools were Slovak. So I'm divided in my heart. My father used to say that he was divided one half Czech, one half Slovak. I feel the same."

To what extent was the division of Czechoslovakia at the end of 1992 a trauma for you?

"Yes. It was traumatic, but I was not the only one. My brother lives in Prague, for example, so it was a division directly in my family. But the biggest trauma wasn't actually from the split itself, but from what I was afraid - and it was fulfilled - would happen with Slovakia after the split. It happened that Vladimir Meciar and his regime ruled the country for six years. It was obvious that after the split this would happen."

This is a programme to mark the Czech national holiday on 28th October. Isn't it a strange paradox that we are marking a holiday that commemorates the foundation of a state that no longer exists?

"Well, for me it is a little bit confusing that Czechs have this day as a holiday and they celebrate it actually as the founding of the Czech Republic! They don't speak so much about Czechoslovakia, but about the Czech Republic. So they celebrate their own state now in memory of 1918. This is understandable, of course, as they can't celebrate Czechoslovakia, that's clear, but Slovaks have no holiday on that day and except for a couple of people who will probably organize a kind of very small meeting where maybe a few dozen people will come, nobody probably will commemorate it in Slovakia."

Doesn't it, in a sense, confirm what some Slovaks have complained all along, that Czechoslovakia was essentially a Czech state and therefore many Czechs have no problem taking on Czechoslovakia and the legacy of Czechoslovakia as there own?

"This is a feeling, and quite a general feeling in Slovakia, but I think it is not true. Historically it is not true, because for Slovaks it was the first state they had, where they had felt at home, so this is a confusion again. I would say that for Slovaks it would be much more important to celebrate this day than for Czechs. But they don't. This is about how Slovaks see their own history and it's about an irrational feeling that Slovaks were not quite recognized as a nation in that state. Again I don't think it's true, although, of course, there are some historical facts: Edvard Benes [the second president of Czechoslovakia] especially didn't feel the Slovaks to be a nation, but this shouldn't be the reason for Slovaks not to celebrate that day. But you can't help it. In Slovakia you wouldn't now find many people who would commemorate that day as something very important - except historians, who would say that this is certainly the biggest day for the Slovak nation in the last hundred years."

And just to return to the paradox that we're marking the holiday of a state that doesn't exist - doesn't it in a way reflect the very strange nature of Czechs' and Slovaks' relationship to their national identity? For Poles, for example, it is much more straightforward.

"Yes. If you compare it to other nations you are right. Both the Czechs and Slovaks are now more oriented to the present day than the past, because it's so difficult to identify yourself with this anniversary, as you have to understand many things. Because this state doesn't exist any more it's a complicated situation. So for people it's easier not to talk about that so much, and they try to occupy themselves just with the history of the last few decades, rather than with something that is so far away in history. But you are right. I don't feel very much, either in the Czech Republic or in Slovakia, an interest in the deeper past of these nations. That's something very unusual, compared to Poland or even Hungary."

For a modern, forward-looking Europe where there is a lot of talk about integration, it sounds, in a way, like a very healthy attitude towards your nationhood.

"It may look like an advantage these days, but the problem is that it's not something natural and healthy. I think that people rather don't want to know about history very much, which is not good. If Czechs and Slovaks will be those Europeans who don't care very much about their own identity and past, I don't think that it's something Europe should be happy about."

You grew up during the period of "normalization" when, after the Soviet invasion of 1968, there was a gradual re-imposition of hard-line Brezhnevite rule in Czechoslovakia. How was the 28th October celebrated then as the national day?

"The 28th October was actually a day that was not very much celebrated. It was difficult to talk about it because for the communists it was a date that marked the founding of the first, capitalist Czechoslovakia. So for them it was very difficult to find a way of celebrating that day and saying on the other hand that actually it was not good because the [pre-war] republic was bourgeois-democratic. It was so confusing for people that the regime itself rather preferred not to celebrate it at all."

Does it make any sense to be celebrating the 28th October as the national holiday in the Czech Republic in 2006?

"Definitely yes. What I would prefer, on the other hand, would be for Czechs to celebrate not only our own state, but also the state which is our closest neighbour, that means the Slovaks. That would be fair. What disturbs me is that this is not mentioned at all."