Thirty years since birth of Charter 77 human rights initiative
15.12.2006 - Rob Cameron

Thirty years ago a handful of people met in a flat in Prague to discuss the communist regime's failure to observe fundamental human rights. What grew out of that meeting was to become the first dissident movement in the Soviet bloc, a movement which played a key role in bringing about the end of totalitarian communism in Czechoslovakia. And, perhaps typically for a country that seems to produce more than its fair share of oddities and idiosyncracies, it all began with a psychedelic rock band.

In 1976 the Plastic People of the Universe - a loose outfit of rock musicians inspired by artists such as Frank Zappa and the Velvet Underground - had become something of a legend. Formed in the late sixties, their moody, psychedelic sound had earned them a legion of fans across communist Czechoslovakia, but also the unwanted attention of the police. With their long hair, weird sound and blatant refusal to conform to the stifling norms of the culturally barren period that followed the 1968 Soviet-led invasion, the Plastics must have been the regime's worst nightmare. In 1976 the authorities arrested four members of the group, among them saxophonist Vrata Brabenec.

"For two years before we were arrested we were really nervous about what could happen to us, because everybody knew where the 'bomb' of the underground was, where the centre was. But I guess they wanted to wait for a good moment. Now we know that everything was directed by the Communist Party."

The Plastic People were charged with a number of crimes, including breach of the peace, something that carried a maximum sentence of five years. Several members later served time in prison, for the crime of playing underground rock music.

There the story might have ended, had the Plastics' treatment not come to the attention of a small group of intellectuals opposed to the regime. On December 10th, 1976, five of them met in a flat in Prague's Tyrsova street belonging to a translator called Jaroslav Koran.

"Everyone knew how important this thing was. Noone tried to back away from it. It was clear to everyone that we had to do something, so... we did it."

What they did was draw up a document, criticising the communist government for failing to implement human rights provisions of a number of documents it itself had signed. They included the Czechoslovak Constitution, the so-called Helsinki Accords and United Nations conventions on political, civil, economic, and cultural rights. The document described the signatories as a "loose, informal and open association of people. .. united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world." And most crucially, everything they said was carefully designed to remain well within the boundaries of the laws of communist Czechoslovakia, which, on paper at least, allowed organised opposition.

Among the five who drew up the document was Vaclav Havel, who was about to be thrust into the vanguard of a twenty-year battle with the communist regime.

"When they arrested the Plastic People we - I and a number of friends - felt that this was something very dangerous. It was a warning signal."

On January 1st, 1977, the group released the document, bearing the signatures of 242 people. It was smuggled to three newspapers in Western Europe for publication. Several days later, Charter 77 activists such as Havel, Ludvik Vaculik and Pavel Landovsky began trying to distribute the document in Czechoslovakia itself.

The reaction of the regime was harsh and predictable. The Charter 77 manifesto was described in the official media as "an anti-state, anti-socialist and demagogic, abusive piece of writing,". Those who had signed it were vilified as traitors and renegades, loyal servants of imperialism and even Zionism.

Those who signed the document were exposed to persecution by the regime. Signatories were thrown out of their jobs, some were arrested and imprisoned, their children expelled from schools. Journalist Marek Tomin was the son of well known dissident parents, who held regular meetings in their home.

"The state security and the interior ministry tolerated this for a little while and then the harassment started. Eventually everybody who came knew that within five minutes, maybe ten, the police would be there and there would be a raid, and everybody would be arrested. They could be interrogated for 24 hours, 48 hours, and maybe held longer. And we never knew."

"The thing about the 70s as compared to the 50s, one didn't see the same kind of crimes, they can't be compared. I mean, then, it was Stalinism: people were disappearing. People were being executed. People were being sent to work camps, to uranium mines. These are things that weren't happening in the 70s. But, we didn't know. Quite simply, Charter never knew what the next step was going to be."

"My brother and I, we weren't sure our parents weren't going to be arrested the next day. We had several amazing plans of course because we messed around as kids and we had a plan for escaping from the country and we said if our parents get arrested we will not allow ourselves to be taken to a children's home, we'll escape and roam the world for the rest of our lives, away from communism! So, the atmosphere was such: at times it was very sinister."

The regime's response only seemed to fuel greater dissent, and in turn more repression. An "anti-charter" was created, which leading public figures were encouraged to sign. The communists even launched an operation designed to force opponents of the regime into exile, and in many cases succeeded.

By the end of the 1980's, as communism in Eastern Europe began to crumble, members of Charter 77 saw their opportunity and became more involved in organising opposition to the regime. It was Charter 77 activists, led by Vaclav Havel, who formed the nucleus of the group which negotiated the smooth and peaceful transition of power from totalitarian communism to democracy.

The Plastic People of the Universe are still around, still making rather strange rock music, which is essentially all they wanted to do in the first place. Charter 77's role in the regime's demise is still a matter of debate. But saxophonist Vrata Brabenec says for him, his group and for Czechoslovak society as a whole, Charter 77 was a watershed.

"We knew we were not living on the moon, we were living in the Eastern bloc. We knew the situation, we were reading about what was happening around us, we weren't separated from other young people. After Charter 77 was published, Czech society was divided. Some people were for Charter 77, but I guess most people were against it. Because it was very easy to live in a communist regime. People weren't worried about their jobs, everything was...let's say...comfortable. It was very comfortable for most people."

And for Jaroslav Koran the translator and now publisher in whose flat it all began, while Charter 77 didn't achieve everything it set out to achieve, it remains a source of deep and lasting pride to this day.

"We had a vision. Part of it was fulfilled, part of it wasn't. I think that's natural with every manifesto, with every document like Charter 77. Such a manifesto can never be fulfilled 100 percent. But I think what it did - the way it shook the conscience of the nation - was wonderful."

Small Slovenia will have a big 2007
15.12.2006 - Michael Manske

Finland has wrapped up its EU presidency with a summit in Brussels and now planning passes to the next three - Germany, Portugal and Slovenia. That makes 2007 a big year for tiny Slovenia because it also adopts the common European currency the Euro on January ist. The incoming EU troika has given Insight Central Europe a look at its EU presidency progamme.

As the year draws to a close, Finland's presidency of the European Union also comes to a finish. Its goals remained largely unfulfilled: Turkey had its candidacy temporarily put on ice, and relations with Russia were soured despite vigorous attempts at improvement. The problem of the EU constitution, which was hobbled during referendums in France and Holland, remains a looming problem. The upcoming troika - Germany, Portugal and Slovenia -- will have this and more to deal with. The three countries have hammered out a programme for the next 18 months.

In Ljubljana, State Secretary for European Affairs Janez Lenarcic presented the programme together with ambassadors from Germany and Portugal. Their collaborative work was a first, as Mr. Lenarcic explains:

"This is the first time that three consecutive presidencies prepared such a program and this work was done very well. It went very smoothly. We were treated as three equal partners and I think that the outcome is a very good programme. It's a realistic programme that shows the direction of the work of the EU in the next 18 months."

Also on hand was the German ambassador to Slovenia, Hans Joachim Goetz, who explained the themes that will top the agenda in the next year and a half. Mr. Goetz:

"Certain themes will extend throughout the presidencies. For example, the topic of energy has been taken up by Slovenia already. There's the topic of culture and schools, which will extend until the year of 2010, but there's already been agreement between our two countries. Also, I fear that the issue of the constitution will be left to Slovenia at the end."

Besides energy policy, Slovenia has also committed its term to the subjects of the bloc's future, the Lisbon strategy, and intercultural dialogue. As for the thorny issue of the consitution, Germany has promised to present a proposal on what to do, while Portugal and Slovenia will work to find a conclusive solution to the problem.

Each country will also push for more dialogue within their general area. Germany will focus attention on its Eastern neighbors, Portugal on Africa, and Slovenia on the western Balkans. The three countries have also been in contact with the next troika, which will include France, the Czech Republic and Sweden.

25 years on the memory of martial law in Poland remains strong
15.12.2006 - Slawek Szefs

25 years ago, on a snowy Sunday morning, Poles woke up to an entirely new reality; martial law - imposed by the Communist authorities in an attempt to halt the pro-democratic forces of Solidarity. Poles and the world were shocked.

One hour before midnight on December 12th 1981, all telephone connections in Poland had been broken. Radio and television programs were discontinued at midnight. Army units with tanks and special riot police squads rolled out of their garrisons.

During that night, with the official date of December 13th, the State Council issued a decree proclaiming martial law throughout the country. Communist party first secretary and Prime minister general Wojcich Jaruzelski had also been appointed head of the Military Council For National Salvation, assuming absolute dictatorial power.

First arrests were made among the Solidarity leadership and most active Union members.

The justification for martial law had been alleged attempts by Solidarity and the pro-democratic forces rallied around the first independent trade union in the then Communist block to take over the country. In the opinion of the Communist party bosses, the very consideration of such scenario could trigger a Soviet military intervention.

A sonorous voice of support for the fighting democratic forces of the Polish political underground had come from US President Ronald Reagan.

"Poland is not East or West. Poland is at the center of European civilization. It has contributed mightily to that civilization. It is doing so today by being magnificently unreconciled to oppression."

Many analysts claimed, it had been the strong reaction of the American side that trimmed pressure of the Soviet military brass for intervention in Poland.

But besides its international dimension, martial law in Poland was first and foremost the daily fear and hardship of thriving in a state ruled by Communist military dictatorship. The horror of the situation had been accurately captured by British news photographer Chris Niedenthal in what became the symbol of the Polish situation in world media - an armoured vehicle with soldiers in front of Moscow cinema, one of Warsaw's most popular movie theaters then. It had just started running 'Apocalypse, Now'.... with a huge billboard title over the entrance. Chris Niedenthal:

"I simply took it, because I saw it - the juxtaposition of all three facts. Anybody who saw it would have realised it's a great picture. But it's not easy under martial law. I quickly grabbed some shots and ran!"

An American volunteer working for a Christian mission based in Vienna recalled the atmosphere of shock and uncertainty during trips to martial law Poland.

AMERICAN: "One of our colleagues was in Warsaw. And here he was in Poland as a foreigner. He was able to take some Americans out to the West. It was a freightning thing for us. We were sitting in Austria, not knowing if he would get out to what we called "freedom" then. Back in those years, it was very difficult to come to Poland. There were border restrictions and we never knew if we would actually get to come in and visit our friends."

The imposition of martial law in Poland took by surprise many Poles travelling abroad at the time. Sociologist Marek Garztecki was in London.

"I arrived in Britain and on the second day someone knocked on my door and said there's a war in Poland. What kind of war? I went out and bought the Evening Standard. there was this picture of tanks in the streets and a big headline "State of War in Poland". Obviously, I was very scared. I left my family, my first child and my wife, here. A few days later, the Solidarity people stranded in Britain formed a kind of committee. In due course, the underground Solidarity leadership decided to form a network of Information Offices, a kind of Solidarity embassies."

Martial law in Poland, although officially lifted a year later, extended well into 1986. The various restrictions on public activity had been dropped very gradually. The paranoid and aggressive behaviour of the Communist authorities sensing the imminent crumbling of the system was fueled by growing discontent and anger of society. Thousands of Poles paid a high price for this contempt of the regime. Some, like the the protesting miners at the Wujek colliery, even the highest.... And though a quarter of a century has passed since the imposition of martial law, Poles remember vividly the plight they had been subjected to by the Communnist rulers of the country.

Belarus opposition seeks Slovak support in EU
15.12.2006 - Anca Dragu

The top opposition leader in Belarus says Slovakia is still searching for a clear policy towards Belarus. Aleksandr Milinkevich was speaking during a visit to Bratislava where he sought support for pro-democratic forces in Belarus. President Alexander Lukashenko's rule of Belarus is marked by violence against dissidents and elections which are widely regarded as illegitimate. The opposition leader met Foreign Minister Jan Kubis - but not Prime Minister Robert Fico.

In 2003 then opposition leader and current PM Robert Fico met the Belarussian president Alexander Lukashenko in Minsk. Fico then described the meeting as a trade visit aimed to create opportunities for Slovak entrepreneurs. Lukashenko's propaganda, however, used Fico's visit as an argument to prove that Belarus does not face international isolation. The Western European countires considers the Belarussian regime of Alexander Lukashenko the last European dictatorship. According to observers, the presidential elections in March, from which Lukashenko emerged as winner, were rigged. Milinkevich, one of Lukashenko's rival candidates, ended up in prison when the police cracked down on the crowd protesting against the manipulated polls.

Milinkevic: "We strongly wish for your help to our struggle to intensify. I beg that Slovakia become our envoy in Brussels. Slovakia has experiences with the totalitarian regime and therefore it can easily present the problems of Belarussians in the EU. We know what are our internal problems and we know that we are the only ones that can bring democracy in Belarus but we can't do it without the help of other democratic countries"

Milinkevich stopped over in Slovakia on his way to Strasbourg where he is to receive an Andrei Sakharov Prize for freedom of thought from the European Parliament on Tuesday. The Slovak Parliament's chairmen of committees on legal affairs and human rights, Laszlo Nagy, promised Milinkevich that they will urge the officials in Minsk to release its political prisoners.

Nagy: "We will demand the immediate release of all political prisoners, Kozulin especially, as his life is in danger. Kozulin has been on a hunger-strike for two months, and has lost 40 kilos. Both parliamentary committee chairmen are to ask Slovak Foreign Affairs Minister Jan Kubis to ensure that Slovakia as a non-permanent member of the U.N. Security Council puts collective pressure on the Belarus government to release Kozulin"

Kozulin, a former university professor, was sentenced to 5.5 years in jail for organising an illegal protest against the re-election of President Lukasenko earlier this year. Kozulin started the hunger-strike with the objective of forcing discussion on Belarus by the U.N. Security Council of which Slovakia is currently a member, and draw the attention of the international community to the "illegality" of the regime in Belarus. Mikulas Dzurinda, ex-PM and head of the senior opposition Slovak Democratic and Christian Union party also promised to help the Belarussian opposition

Dzurinda: "We will do our utmost - in Slovakia as well as in Europe - in order that also in Belarus gradually positive tendencies prevail until the complete victory of the democratic opposition."

Support at EU level came at least in a verbal form from the EU Commissioner from Slovakia, Jan Figel.

Figel: "The European Union is creating new space of support for cooperation with neighboring countries starting in 2007. The program of the European neighborhood includes also Belarus. A large portion of the assistance is allocated for development of democratization, free media, support for education, among others."

All in all Milinkevich left Slovakia with a bag full of promises. As for Fico's meeting with Lukashenko in 2003, he said that Slovak politicians should always be focused on principles and the observance of human rights in Belarus.

Return and Resumption - an exhibition on the return of Hungary's Jews
15.12.2006 - Gyorgyi Jakobi

It would be easy to believe that the suffering of those deported during the Holocaust came to an end with the liberation of the death camps. But an exhibition in Budapest shows this is not quite the case. Return and Resumption - staged by the Holocaust Memorial Centre in Budapest - shows what awaited Hungarian Jews who survived the holocaust.

Gyorgyi Jakobi of Radio Budapest speaks to historian Julia Schmied, one of the organisers of the exhibition.

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